Dr. B. R. Ambedkar Biography

DR BABASAHEB AMBEDKAR: A SOCIAL RECONSTRUCTIONIST


INTRODUCTION -
Dr.BR Ambedkar

“Life should be great rather than long.” Dr. B.R.Ambedkar

Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar ; (14 April 1891 – 6 December 1956), popularly known
as Babasaheb, was an Indian jurist, economist, politician and social reformer who inspired
the Modern Buddhist Movement and campaigned against social discrimination
against Untouchables , while also supporting the rights of women and labour. He was
Independent India's first law minister and the principal architect of the Constitution of India.
Ambedkar was a prolific student, earning a law degree and various doctorates from Columbia
University and the London School of Economics, and gained a reputation as a scholar for his
research in law, economics and political science. In his early career he was
an economist, professor, and lawyer. His later life was marked by his political activities; he
became involved in campaigning and negotiations for India's independence, publishing journals
advocating political rights and social freedom for Dalits, and contributing significantly to the
establishment of the state of India. In 1956 he converted to Buddhism, initiating mass
conversions of Dalits.In 1990, the Bharat Ratna, India's highest civilian award, was
posthumously conferred upon Ambedkar. Ambedkar's legacy includes numerous memorials and
depictions in popular culture.

DR. B.R. AMBEDKAR AS A HISTORIAN

       Dr Ambedkar was a versatile personality who left an undeniable impression on many subjects
including history. The paper examines the methodology adopted by Ambedkar in the writing of
history. Ambedkar‟s notion of history could be looked into on two basic premises:
1) To look at Ambedkar‟s view of History and in that course to detect his methodology and his
inclinations.
2) To narrate the history as understood by him.
Ambedkar was more trained as an economist than a historian. But his involvement in social and
political activism had compelled him to develop a long-standing obsession with history. Hence
his writings have remained more historical than his concern for any other subject matter.
Analyzing Ambedkar‟s writings one comes to perceive that he was in favour of the kind of
objectivity that Leopold Von Ranke had advocated. Ranke wanted an accurate statement of facts
and his thought shaped the 19th century historical writings. Like Ranke, Ambedkar too espoused a great love for accuracy as seen through all his writings. To quote his own words, which has
been described at the very introduction of his work “who were the shudras?” as Ambedkar puts
it: An historian ought to be exact, sincere, and impartial; free from passion, unbiased by interest,
fear, resentment or affection; and faithful to the truth, which is the mother of history, the
preserver of great actions, the enemy of oblivion, the witness of the past, the director of the
future. In short he must have an open mind, though it may not be an empty mind, and readiness
to examine all evidence even though it is spurious. Ambedkar accepting objectivity as the
parameter for any historian, over rides it by advocating “Serviceable truth”. He on his part
believed in the intervention of man rather than divinity in the unfolding of events related to
history. Ambedkar firmly believed in the role, played by great men in shaping history as
described by the historian Thomas Carlyle, in his book “Heroes, Hero-worship and Heroics in
History”. He never believed in the philosophy that, “Man is the captive of time”. To hold the
view that Time, call forth the man and he on his part did nothing, was to wrongly interpret
history, and was the belief of Ambedkar. He said that there were three different views on the
causes of historical changes.
1. The Augustian theory of history, according to which history is only an unfolding of a divine
plan, till it is completed on the day of judgement.
2. The view of Buckle, who held that history, was made by Geography and Physics.
3. The view of Karl Marx, according to whom history was the result of economic forces.
Ambedkar says none of these three theories would admit that history is the biography of great
men as propounded by Thomas Carlyle. Indeed they all deny man any place in the making of
history. According to Ambedkar, the observations of Buckle and Marx do not represent the
whole truth. He says that “they are wrong in holding that, impersonal forces are everything and
that man is no factor in the making of history. That, impersonal forces are a determining factor
cannot be denied. But that the effect of impersonal forces depends on man, must also be
admitted.” He gives a rather glaring analogy that: “. . . . flints may not exist everywhere. But
where it does exist, it needs man to strike flint against flint to make fire. Seeds may not be found
everywhere. But where they do exist, it needs man to ground it to powder and make it a
delectable and nutritious paste . . . . There are many areas devoid of metals. But where they do
exist, it needs a man to make instruments and machines which are the basis of civilization and
culture”. He was also in favour of imagination and interpretation to tide over the difficulty of
missing link in history. Thus Ambedkar‟s writings form an essence to any serious historical
understanding.

DR. B.R. AMBEDKAR AS AN ECONOMIST
        Dr Bhimrao Ambedkar is celebrated as the “Father of Indian Constitution,” and found economics
closest to his heart. Ambedkar was a keen student of economics. He got his M.A. for his thesis
on „Ancient Indian Commerce‟ and M.Sc. (London) for his thesis on „The Evolution of
Provincial Finance in British India‟ and D.Sc. for his thesis on „The Problem of the Rupee‟. He
was a Professor of Economics in Mumbai‟s Sydenham College in the early 1930s. His work
“The Problem of the Rupee” was considered an instructive treatise. He wrote that closing of the
Mints would prevent inflation and disturbances in the internal price level. He advocated that the
standard of value should be gold and the elasticity of currency should come from this source.
That great scholarship and hard work had gone into this book is evidenced by the rave reviews
Ambedkar received from the British Press.
The Times (London) described the book as an, “excellent piece of work. English style is easy;
and his knowledge of his subject obviously very full… ”The Economist (London): “It is a clear
and ably written book. Certainly, none of the other numerous works on one or the other aspect of
the monetary problem have anything like the readability of thistract.”
Financier: “Ambedkar deals with the problem in a very lucid and praiseworthy manner and puts
forward not merely its origin, but also valuable proposals for a solution, which should be studied
by bankers and those merchants whose business depends upon the exchange.”
Ambedkar believed that the fundamental cause of India‟s backward economy was the delay in
changing the land system. The solution was democratic collectivism that entailed economic
efficiency, productivity and overhauling the village economy. He said he would wipe out
elements of economic exploitation and social injustice. He did not want landlords, tenants, or
landless labour. His idea of economic realism sought both freedom and welfare.

B.R. Ambedkar’s Role in Indian Politics

    B.R. Ambedkar was a representative figure of Indian Politics in the Gandhian era. Gandhi was
the unchallenged leader of Indian National Congress; Jinnah represented the separatist Muslim
forces and Ambedkar was the main spokesman of Depressed Classes in India. Ambedkar had
been born in an untouchable family and had suffered from humiliation on that account. By his
exertions and perseverance he proved himself the unchallenged leader of the Depressed Classes
in India as well as a statesman of national stature. Decades have passed since independence and
Ambedkar‟s death. At the distance of time it is perhaps worthwhile to evaluate his role and
personality in proper historical perspective. For most of his life Ambedkar worked outside the
mainstream of national politics. He worked for the Depressed Classes‟ uplift within the political
and constitutional framework of the imperialist era. He sincerely felt that being socially treated
as an untouchable, he could not get a status of equality and dignity within the Congress politics
which was dominated by Caste Hindu politicians. Mahatma Gandhi realized Ambedkar‟s mental
state and said: “He is pronounced as belonging to the Depressed Classes and as being
untouchable. Intellectually he is superior to thousands of intelligent and educated caste Hindus.
His personal cleanliness was as high as that of any of us. Today he is an eminent lecturer in law.
Tomorrow you may find him a Judge of the High Court. In other words there is no position in the
Government of this country to which he may not aspire or rise and to which an orthodox
Brahmin can rise.” Ambedkar pointed out that though the Caste Hindu Congressmen adopted a
radical stand in politics, in social matters they were traditionalists and upheld social inequality.
Gandhi also felt that many Congressmen supported his anti-untouchability programme only out
of political consideration and that they had no hearty support for this programme. Even though
Ambedkar kept aloof from the political programme and activities of the National Congress, yet
he cannot be branded as protégé of the British imperialism. He fearlessly criticized the failings of
the British Government. He pointed out that the British Government supported the cause of
Depressed Classes only out of ulterior political motives and gave undue weightage to the Hindu
conservatives. Ambedkar professed and proclaimed that the uplift of the Depressed Classes was
be all and end-all of his life. He did not show any eagerness to earn the reputation of a nationalist
leader. This is why he fearlessly and frankly expressed his views for the cause of Depressed
Classes and quarreled with Congress and even Mahatma Gandhi. In September 1932, when B.R.
Ambedkar‟s Role in Indian Politics Odisha Review Mahatma Gandhi announced his decision to
fast unto death, protesting against the provision of separate electorates for the Depressed Classes
in the British Prime Minister's Communal Award, and when practically the whole nation backed
Gandhi's stand, Ambedkar criticized Gandhi and called his fast " a political stunt". Gandhi took
Ambedkar's views seriously and finally agreed to reservation of seats for the Depressed Classes
in joint electorates, which was embodied in the Poona Pact. Ambedkar was a social
revolutionary. He endeavored to rouse self-consciousness and self-respect among the Depressed
Classes. He advised them to be leonine heroes instead of remaining as innocent as goats. He
aimed at eradicating social distinctions, based on caste and Varna, and establishing a social
order, based on liberty, equality and fraternity. At the fag-end of his life he with his followers
embraced Buddhism, as he considered Buddhism, to be a humanitarian religion, based on liberty,
equality and fraternity. As Ambedkar worked outside the mainstream of Congress politics and
also criticized the Congress, he was suspected by many to be a separatist and pro-British. But all
along the remained a patriot. He used to say that patriotism was not the monopoly of Congress
and that one could be patriotic without becoming a Congressman. He considered the uplift of the
backward sections of the society to be more important than mere political emancipation of the
country. Political freedom was meaningless without the elevation of the backward sections of the
society. Mahatma Gandhi also held similar views as he thought of the concept of Swaraj in terms
of the meanest of the countrymen. Even though Ambedkar had quarreled with Congress and
Gandhi on certain basic issues, on the eve of independence he accepted the invitation of the
Congress to join the Union Government and played his role in the building of the nation. As the
Chairman of the Drafting Committee of the Constitution he played the major role in hammering
a new constitution. He took all care to enshrine the progressive ideas and ideals of the National
Congress in the Constitution. Generally Ambedkar is known as the father of Indian Constitution.
Dr. K.V.Rao has described him as the mother of the Constitution as he gave constitutional shape
to the ideas of Congress rather than his own. He held the portfolio of Law in Jawaharlal Nehru's
first Cabinet. Because of his differences with the Congress and Prime Minister Nehru, he
resigned from the Union Government. Ambedkar is generally regarded as the great protagonist
of reservation of seats in legislature and posts in Government. But towards the end of his life,
when he embraced Buddhism with his followers, he advised the Scheduled Castes to stand on
their own legs instead of depending on crutches. Ambedkar is a rare personality in the national
life of India. He was an economist, a jurist, a social revolutionary, a constitution-maker, an able
parliamentarian, an administrator, and above all a constructive statesman of extraordinary
caliber. He had entered public life as a well-equipped soldier with Ph.D. from the Columbia
University, D.Sc. from London School of Economics and Bar-at-Law from Gray's Inn. Born as a
"social leper" (as the untouchables were being treated in those days) Ambedkar could rise to the
stature of a towering personality in the national politics through perseverance as well as a
profound sense of self-respect and human justice.

DR. B.R. AMBEDKAR AS A JOURNALIST

     As part of his struggle spanning over 4 decades, Dr. Ambedkar always used print media of his
own as one of the instruments to achieve his goal of emancipating the untouchables. Even in
1920 when he had just begun his struggle, he launched a Marathi fortnightly, “Mooknayak, (the
leader of the dumb)”. Dr. Ambedkar had written editorials for this magazine. This magazine
survived just for about a year and half. The magazine could be started with the financial
assistance from Chhatraapti Shahu Maharaj of Kolhapur. In April 1927, Dr. Ambedkar started
the magazine called “Bahishkrit Bharat (The Ostracized India)”. This time he was more
organized. He had bought over a printing press through public donations. The press was named
as “Bharat Bhushan Printing press”. During the publication of B.B, Dr. Ambedkar personally
took lot of care to see that every issue has very high standard of writing. This magazine was
published for about 2 years. In 1930, Dr. Ambedkar started a new journal named, “Janata (The
People)”. This magazine lived for 26 years. After that the magazine‟s name was changed to
“Prabuddha Bharat (Enlightened India)”. The names of the magazine which Dr. Ambedkar
published had the reflection and the emphasis of the direction of his movement at a particular
time. He changed the name of Janata to Prabuddha Bharat when he was in the process of
launching the massive historic conversion to Buddhism.
Dr. Ambedkar, in spite of his busy schedule with the political activities and his various
assignments as the member of Viceroy‟s Council, or as the Chairman of the Indian Constitution
Drafting Committee, found time to write for his magazines. He even used to send editorials
while he was overseas during the Round Table Conferences and during other tours outside India.
The standard of the writing was of utmost importance to him. He used to prepare editorials by
writing all through the nights; but never compromised on the quality of writing. A good deal of
writing and research has been done on the journalistic aspect of Dr. Ambedkar. Two PhDs have
so far been awarded on the topic “Dr. Ambedkar and journalism”. One to Dr.Gangadhar
Pantawane of Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar Marathwada University Aurangabad University in the
late 1960s and the second to Dr.Shoraj Singh Bechain of JNU, New Delhi. Dr. Bechain‟s
research topic was “Effect of Dr. Ambedkar‟s Journalism on Dalit Literature”. Numerous books
e.g. “PatrakarAmbedkar” by Dr.GangadharPantawane, “LokpatrakarAmbedkar” by Sukhram
Hiwrale have been published. Dr. Ambedkar‟s editorials of B.B. have also been published in
Marathi by Ratnakar Ganvir; so also the small articles (“sputhlekh” in Marathi). Dr. Ambedkar
has done his writing through “Mooknayak”, Bahishkrit Bharat, Janata and Prabuddha Bharat.
Today Mulnivasi journalism/literature has grown considerably. The whole of it has originated
from the writings of Dr. Ambedkar. Dr. Ambedkar is the sole originator of Mulnivasi journalism
and Mulnivasi literature.

CONCLUSION

      Dr. Ambedkar's legacy as a socio-political reformer had a deep effect on modern India. In post-
Independence India, his socio-political thought is respected across the political spectrum. His
initiatives have influenced various spheres of life and transformed the way India today looks at
socio-economic policies, education and affirmative action through socio-economic and legal
incentives. His reputation as a scholar led to his appointment as free India's first law minister,
and chairman of the committee for drafting the constitution. He passionately believed in
individual freedom and criticized caste society. His accusations of Hinduism as being the
foundation of the caste system made him controversial and unpopular among Hindus. His
conversion to Buddhism sparked a revival in interest in Buddhist philosophy in India and abroad.
Ambedkar was voted the "Greatest Indian" in 2012 by a poll organized by History
TV18 and CNN IBN. Nearly 20 million votes were cast, making him the most popular Indian
figure since the launch of the initiative. Due to his role in economics, Narendra Jadhav, a notable
Indian economist, has said that Ambedkar was "the highest educated Indian economist of all
times." AmartyaSen, said that Ambedkar is "father of my economics", and "he was highly
controversial figure in his home country, though it was not the reality. His contribution in the
field of economics is marvelous and will be remembered forever." President Obama addressed
the Indian parliament in 2010, and referred to Dalit leader Dr. B.R. Ambedkar as the great and
revered Human Rights champion and main author of India‟s constitution.
Ambedkar's political philosophy has given rise to a large number of political parties, publications
and workers' unions that remain active across India, especially in Maharashtra. His promotion of
Buddhism has rejuvenated interest in Buddhist philosophy among sections of population in
India. Mass conversion ceremonies have been organized by human rights activists in modern
times, emulating Ambedkar's Nagpur ceremony of 1956. Some Indian Buddhists regard him as
a Bodhisattva, although he never claimed it himself.Outside India, during the late 1990s, some
Hungarian Romani people drew parallels between their own situation and that of the
downtrodden people in India. Inspired by Ambedkar, they started to convert to Buddhism.
Google commemorated Ambedkar's 124th birthday through a homepage doodleon 14 April
2015. The doodle was featured in India, Argentina, Chile, Ireland, Peru, Poland, Sweden and the
United Kingdom. Let‟s live up to the following thoughts of Ambedkar and thereby pay actual
reverence to his hard work-
“Cultivation of mind should be the ultimate aim of human existence.” 
Being mortals let‟s always follow the following pearls of wisdom as enunciated by Dr.
Ambedkar:
“Men are mortal. So are ideas. An idea needs propagation as much as a plant needs watering.
Otherwise both will wither and die.”
THE core of Ambedkar‟s philosophy of life happened to be the basics tenets of liberty, equality
and fraternity. To him, a great man must be motivated by the dynamics of a social purpose and
must act as the scourge and the scavenger of society. These are the elements which distinguish
an eminent individual from a great man and constitute his title-deeds to respect and reverence.
Indeed, he himself fulfilled all the conditions of being a great man. His title to this dignity rests
upon the social purposes he served and in the way he served them. His life is a saga of great
struggles and achievements. His message to the people was: You must have firm belief in
sacredness of your mission. Noble is your aim and sublime and glorious is your mission.
Blessed are those who are awakened to their duty to those among whom they are born.

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